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Monday
Apr132015

Debating Europe: Is it time to ban branding on cigarette packs?

A couple of months ago I was asked to take part in an online debate about plain packaging.

The invitation read:

Would you be available to answer a few questions from European citizens on the enforcement of plain cigarette packs across Europe in a short Skype or telephone interview in the coming days, as part of the successful online discussion platform Debating Europe, launched in 2011 in partnership with the European Parliament, Microsoft, Gallup and Skype.

Debating Europe is designed to engage citizens and policymakers in an ongoing conversation on a range of vital issues shaping our future. It's based on a simple model: citizens ask questions, policymakers and experts respond. It’s proved to be a popular idea: in under three years, it's built-up a 750,000 strong community of citizens and over 195,000 Facebook and Twitter followers from across Europe to debate with its leaders. To date a selection of 35,000 questions have been put to over 900 key policymakers and experts. Please click here for our debates.

We plan to publish a debate looking at the enforcement of plain cigarette packs across Europe in the second half of March and we would be very happy to have your contribution in this. We would ask three or four questions on behalf of European citizens and the interview would just take 5-10 minutes.

After a couple of false starts we agreed a date for the interview – March 12. My inquisitor, Naomi, was very charming and after we overcame one or two technical hitches we rattled through the questions in around ten minutes.

The debate, I was told, would be posted online within a couple of weeks but 14 days passed and nothing appeared.

On March 26 I emailed: 'Just curious to know when the plain packaging debate will be posted.'

To be fair they responded immediately: 'We are planning on publishing the debate early next week (Mon or Tuesday). I will send you a link when it’s up!'

As of this morning there was still no sign of it so I sent another email: 'I'm curious why the debate on plain packaging has still not been published. Any reason for this?'

Back came this response:

Thank you for helping in arranging the interview! [Your] answers on cigarette packaging have been published in today’s post on Debating Europe: Is it time for health warnings to replace all branding on cigarette packs?

The article has been promoted on Facebook and Twitter, and is open for citizens to comment through our comments section here.

The 'debate' is effectively between Eoin Bradley, 'advocacy officer' at the Irish Cancer Society, and Axel Gietz, director of group corporate affairs at Imperial Tobacco.

My contribution is restricted to answering a more general question: 'Is there a public health argument to be made for trying to reduce the number of smokers in Europe?'

As for the delay in publishing, I'm not a conspiracy theorist but I do wonder if Debating Europe struggled to find tobacco control advocates willing to debate the issue.

After all, Brussels-based lobbyists are not known for their commitment to open, transparent debate. (See EU couldn't make it up.)

Anyway you can read/view the 'debate' here: Is it time for health warnings to replace all branding on cigarette packs?.

The nice people at Debating Europe invite comments so please take a moment to respond.

PS. My interview was conducted via Skype on an iPad. It was the first time I've used Skype on an iPad and only the second time I've used Skype at all so the picture is, how shall I say, less than flattering.

I'll try and do better next time.

Saturday
Apr112015

Tobacco controllers will debate, but only on their terms

Simon Chapman and some of his followers have responded to yesterday's post with a series of tweets.

Explaining his decision to decline an invitation to take part in an Oxford Union debate about the tobacco industry (‘This House believes that the tobacco industry is morally reprehensible’), Chapman wrote:

I don't assist anti-vaxers, climate change denialists & other miscreants to get platforms either.

That was rather different to his initial response to the Oxford Union:

Thanks, xxxx. I've no financial support to attend sorry, and some clashes too. Very nice of you to think of me.

No hifalutin argument there. Just a simple reference to cost and other commitments.

Ignoring this Fran Barlow, a "green and left-wing school-teacher", tweeted her support for Chapman:

Denying credibility to faux debates can be seen as supportive of healthy discourse.

Others responded:

Some debates are useful. Others should not be lent credibility.

You can't debate science with passionate, irrational "beliefs". Life's too short.

From that we can deduce that tobacco controllers will debate but only on their terms - and their idea of "healthy discourse" is more akin to a one party state.

Meanwhile, if anyone is driven by irrational "beliefs" it's the more extreme anti-smokers who believe the merest whiff of tobacco smoke can endanger someone's health, while the sight of a complete stranger smoking in public will condemn a child to a lifetime addiction and an early grave.

Neither argument is supported by evidence yet I rarely if ever hear them disputed by public health campaigners who will happily support any anti-smoking sentiment if it edges us closer to a 'smoke-free' (sic) world.

As for Chapman, I'd have enjoyed crossing swords with this egotistical popinjay but it's his choice. His absence, and the arguments put forward by his disciples on Twitter, say more about tobacco control than I ever could.

Friday
Apr102015

Simon Chapman and the Oxford Union

A few weeks ago I was invited to take part in an Oxford Union debate.

The motion is ‘This House believes that the tobacco industry is morally reprehensible’.

The debate "seeks to challenge the view that tobacco companies – who ostensibly operate in a legitimate, legal and responsible industry – should be treated as pariahs."

I agreed to speak and was told I'd be joined by a senior executive from a major tobacco company. The identity of our opponents wasn't mentioned and I didn't ask. I'd find out soon enough.

Yesterday Australia's leading anti-tobacco campaigner Simon Chapman took to Twitter to reveal that he and fellow Aussie activist Mike Daube had been invited to propose the motion.

Typically Chapman informed his followers of this by adopting his default position - high-handed moral superiority allied to an unnecessary suggestion of impropriety and an irrelevant reference to FCTC guidelines.

His main complaint (which I partly understand) is he wasn't told the event is supported by Imperial Tobacco. But he's not alone. I hadn't been told either. Yesterday was the first I'd heard of it.

There's a simple reason for this. I'm told that on March 25, when the invitations were issued, the company's involvement hadn't been confirmed.

I imagine too that it didn't occur to the undergraduates organising the event that it might be an issue. Naive, perhaps, but hardly a hanging offence.

Instead of mentioning his concerns privately and politely, Chapman has gone public with a view to embarrassing our young hosts.

I'm not sure where this leaves the debate (which is scheduled for next month) but as far as I'm concerned this is a free speech issue so I hope it goes ahead.

If it does it will be my second appearance at the Oxford Union. The first was in 2005 when I joined forces with Antony Worrall Thompson to oppose the motion 'This House would ban smoking in all public places'.

Proposing the motion was Professor Sir Charles George, president of the British Medical Association, and Tony Blair's old friend, Lord Faulkner of Worcester.

The outcome was a win for the ayes (118 to 82) but the result was unrepresentative of Oxford students because a few months earlier the Union had been forced to reverse a self-imposed smoking ban after large numbers of students deserted the Union bar in favour of the local pubs where they were still allowed to smoke!

Apart from the result what I remember most about the event were the pre-debate dinner and photo call. The walls of the Union are covered with framed pictures of previous speakers, including presidents and prime ministers.

There's an enormous sense of history so it's nerve-wracking but a huge privilege to be asked to speak.

Free speech on campus has taken a bit of a battering recently (see Brendan O'Neil's excellent article, Free speech is so last century. Today’s students want the ‘right to be comfortable’) so let's hope Chapman's reaction to a well-meant invitation doesn't discourage others from taking part.

A healthy society requires free speech and open debate. How sad that Simon Chapman, pontificating about public health 10,500 miles away, can't see that.

Wednesday
Apr082015

You wanna fight? Let's take this outside

Ashford Borough Council is the latest local authority to impose a 'voluntary' smoking ban on children's play areas.

The pilot project is being introduced at the request of Kent County Council Public Health.

The aim of the project is to provide a smoke-free environment for children and their families to enjoy, help protect children from the effects of second hand smoke, and reduce the number of children who start smoking after being influenced by those who do.

The non-smoking policy is voluntary so the responsibility is on local people to make the scheme a success. If the pilot project proves successful, the initiative could be rolled out in numerous play areas across Kent.

Cultural and Youth Projects Leader, SallyAnne Logan, said: "Sadly, smoking has become a fairly common practice in children’s play areas. Bringing in a smoke-free policy across play areas will help protect children from the effects of second hand smoke and provide a healthy haven for children to play and learn."

Personally I'd be very surprised if smoking in play areas "has become a fairly common practice". Where's the evidence? Has any research been carried out to justify this statement?

As for the "effects of second hand smoke", if there's evidence that smoking in the open air is a health risk to any bystander (including children) I'd love to see it.

Anyway, I did a short interview for BBC South East Today, to be broadcast this evening as part of a short report, and I'm on BBC Radio Kent in approximately 30 minutes.

Earlier today I was also asked this to comment on reports that lots of people are ignoring the ban on smoking in hospital grounds that was introduced in Scotland on April 1.

I didn't say it but I am silently rejoicing. Conversely I'm also angry at the sheer pettiness of a policy that has resulted in some hospitals fencing off their smoking shelters to stop people using them.

Incredibly, some NHS Trusts are employing people to monitor hospital grounds to catch people lighting up.

Have they nothing better to do than persecute ordinary people for smoking a legal product in the open air? Now that's what I call sick.

Update: Hospitals bring in more staff to tackle smokers (Evening News)

Tuesday
Apr072015

Parliamentary candidates I won't shed any tears for

Come the election I'll be taking a closer than usual interest in certain constituencies.

For example (and assuming they haven't retired), I'll be monitoring the fate of every MP who voted for or against plain packaging.

It's fair to say I won't shed too many tears if any of those who voted in favour fail to get re-elected.

If the following bite the dust I'll be positively giddy.

Jane Ellison (Conservative, Battersea)
The public health minister who introduced plain packaging was elected in the 2010 election with a majority of 5,977. Described as a "semi-marginal Conservative seat" Labour offer the greatest challenge but unless the Lib Dem vote collapses and moves en masse to Labour I'll be surprised if she doesn't win the seat again.

Stephen Williams (Lib Dem, Bristol West)
Former chairman of the APPG on Smoking and Health and an outspoken advocate of plain packaging and the smoking ban, Williams won Bristol West for the Lib Dems in 2005. In 2010 he increased his majority to 11,366 (56 per cent of the vote) and barring the complete collapse of the Lib Dem vote (in favour of Labour or the Greens) he should retain it, albeit with a reduced majority.

Sarah Wollaston (Conservative, Totnes)
In 2010, having won an open primary to represent the Conservative party, former GP Sarah Wollaston won 46 per cent of the vote and a 4,927 majority over the Lib Dems. A fierce advocate of plain packaging and latterly chairman of the Health Select Committee, expect Wollaston to lead the charge for further tobacco control measures if she is re-elected. In the unlikely event that she loses her seat, I can only paraphrase Gilbert and Sullivan when I say, "I'm sure she'll not be missed".

Anna Soubry (Conservative, Broxtowe)
The ex-smoker and former public health minister who supported plain packaging and the EU's Tobacco Products Directive has a wafer-thin majority of 389. I had a sneaking regard for feisty Ms Soubry until her recent appearance on Question Time when her constant gurning and eccentric aunt routine did her no favours. Her main opponent is former Labour MP Nick Palmer who she defeated in 2010. Too close to call.

Bob Blackman (Conservative, Harrow East)
There are few politicians I actively dislike. Despite their anti-smoking tendencies, Ellison, Williams, Wollaston and Soubry all have their good points. Blackman has no redeeming features. I hope I'm not clutching at straws when I report that the current chairman of the APPG on Smoking and Health is defending a "traditional marginal seat" and a majority of 3,403.

Fingers crossed!

Monday
Apr062015

Politics and power

It was reported last month that a "one issue" political party has been set up to campaign against EU rules on the sale of electronic cigarettes.

According to Mirror Online, 'The "Vapers in Power" group plans to field two candidates in the General Election, using money raised from a crowdfunding drive.'

As of April 1 it seems that £3,002 has been raised, enough to pay the deposits of two candidates and deliver leaflets to 80,000 households. Liam Bryan will stand in Kingswood (Bristol), Billy Marsden in Barnsley East.

"Our chances of getting elected are non-existent," said Bryan. "We hope our chances of fighting the e-cig laws are slightly higher."

He's right to be realistic.

Twenty-one years ago my predecessor Marjorie Nicholson represented Forest in a by-election in Dudley West.

According to Wikipedia:

The result was a Labour gain from the Conservatives, on one of the largest swings since the Second World War. This was the first significant sign of the changed political climate following the election of Tony Blair as Labour leader, which would eventually lead to Labour's 1997 general election victory. Labour gained nearly 70 per cent of the votes, whereas the Conservative candidate attracted fewer than 20 per cent of the votes.

Marjorie got 77 votes and came eighth out of ten candidates with 0.2 per cent of the vote.

To put this in perspective, the BNP came fifth with 561 votes.

The good news is that Majorie beat the Natural Law party (70 votes) and 21st Century Conservatives (55).

If Vapers in Power do better than that I'll be the first a raise a glass.

Saturday
Apr042015

My brush with Nicola Sturgeon

I wasn't surprised Nicola Sturgeon did well in the leaders' debate on Thursday.

She's tough, intelligent and shrewd. The smug self-satisfied smirk that characterises her predecessor is largely absent. In its place is a steely glare I experienced in person more than a decade ago.

On 30 January 2002 the Scottish Parliament's health and community care committee met to consider the Tobacco Advertising and Promotion (Scotland) Bill.

Sturgeon was not only a member of the committee. She was the SNP's shadow minister for health and had introduced the Bill which was designed to ban tobacco advertising and sponsorship in Scotland ahead of the rest of the UK.

Other witnesses included Professor Gerard Hastings and his colleague Dr Lynn MacFadyen (Centre for Tobacco Control Research), Dr Sinead Jones (British Medical Association), and Malcolm Chisholm MSP (Minister for Health and Community Care).

As the only opponent of the Bill that morning I was an easy target for Sturgeon and other members of the committee.

Here's an example of our somewhat frosty exchanges:

Sturgeon: You state in your submission that you receive donations from tobacco companies. Exactly what proportion of your funding comes from the tobacco industry?

Me: We have always been open about that. It's about 96 per cent.

Sturgeon: It is therefore reasonable to say that you are the mouthpiece of the tobacco industry and that it is hardly surprising that you argue against a ban on tobacco advertising?

Me: Funding has to come from somewhere to set up a smokers' rights group ... The only people who will fund us are the tobacco companies. I will give you an idea of our independence. We have just lost about a third of our funding because the company Gallaher Tobacco no longer funds us. All last year we carried out a big campaign against HM Customs and Excise because of its treatment of ordinary shoppers who go across the Channel to buy cheap booze and fags. Gallaher was disturbed by the campaign because it was trying to work closely with Customs and Excise for its own good reasons. Had we not been independent we would have done what we were told but I was prepared to lose a third of our funding because I believe in our independence. I sit here as someone who is independent. I am not here to represent the tobacco industry.

Sturgeon: Some people might find it a bit difficult to believe that the tobacco companies would continue to provide 96 per cent of your funding if they did not feel that you were promoting their message.

Me: It's important that an organisation such as Forest should take part in the debate. Most of our work is media-related. If it were not for Forest the smoking debate would be one-sided. Every debate has two sides. Forest is the only smokers' group that is available 24 hours a day, seven days a week, to speak to the media. It is important that in a democratic society both sides of the debate are put. It is important for the credibility of the Health and Community Committee that I am expressing a different point of view from that expressed by most witnesses.

Sturgeon: I agree whole-heartedly that both sides of the debates must be heard. In the interest of democracy, it is also important that the committee and the public know exactly what agenda a witness may or may not have.

Me: As you know, our submission mentions where our money comes from.

Sturgeon: You say in your submission that advertising is not directed at attracting new customers, but at encouraging existing smokers to switch brands. How do you expect people to believe that? Tobacco companies are losing 13,000 customers every year through tobacco-related deaths and yet you expect us to believe that tobacco companies are not trying to recoup that loss by encouraging new people to take up smoking. I refer you to a 1998 study that shows that much tobacco advertising is increasingly directed at areas of potential market growth, particularly at young people and those living in deprived communities.

Me: Those questions must be directed to the tobacco industry. I am not here to represent the tobacco industry. I am here to say that, as far as smokers are concerned, a ban on tobacco advertising is a restriction on their freedom to receive consumer information. We are particularly concerned at the attempt to ban advertising via the internet. The idea that people may not actively look up a tobacco company's site and get information that might help in their choice of purchase of a legal product is extraordinary. There is no way that websites are being thrust in people's faces.

Sturgeon: I have difficulty with the argument that you are not directing advertising at young people, and yet you are extremely concerned about website advertising, which most people would accept is …

Me: You keep saying "you" as if I am the tobacco industry. I am not the tobacco industry.

Sturgeon: We might disagree on that, but we will leave that argument to one side. Your written submission repeatedly states that tobacco advertising has a social purpose – it gives people information about different brands of cigarettes. How credible is that argument? When I see a tobacco billboard, the image is the only thing that strikes me. Usually, a picture portrays smoking as good and there is information about the content of the cigarettes in the small print at the bottom of the advertisement.

Me: Tobacco advertising has become more obscure over the years – that is one reason why losing advertising will not make a great difference to many smokers. I don't think that banning advertising will have any marked difference on overall consumption. If any government or group of politicians wishes to introduce a bill to ban anything, they must be clear about their aims and must be pretty certain that the effect will be marked, otherwise they will make a pointless political gesture.

Later, after I suggested that representatives of the advertising and tobacco industries should have been invited to give evidence to the committee ("Getting their view third hand seems a bit odd"), we crossed swords again:

Sturgeon: You have repeatedly said that you are not giving us the views of the tobacco industry, but you are now saying that it is important we hear your evidence so that we can get the views of the tobacco industry. [Note: I didn't say that at all!] It has to be one thing or the other. I am having difficulty with your argument that you are not here to promote the views of the tobacco industry.

Me: I think that is a bit of a cheap shot. A lot of the questions that have been put to me today should be put to representatives of the tobacco industry instead. It would make sense for you to hear directly from the tobacco and advertising industries. They could give you the replies that you seek – which I clearly cannot give you – face to face.

Looking back on it, it wasn't my greatest moment. The best I can say is, I survived.

Sturgeon meanwhile continued her ascent of the political ladder. In 2003 she was appointed shadow minister for justice. In 2004 she was elected deputy leader of the SNP and led the party in the Scottish Parliament until 2007 when party leader Alex Salmond was elected as an MSP whereupon she became deputy first minister following the SNP's landslide victory in Scotland.

Now she's Scotland's first minister and basking in the plaudits of the UK media. Who, all those years ago, would have predicted that?

Thursday
Apr022015

Tobacco control: how ASH's "loss" is government's "gain"

Further evidence of collusion between ASH and government at a time when the Coalition was still consulting on plain packaging.

Last week I published a photo featuring public health minister Jane Ellison alongside Andrew Black, tobacco programme manager at the Department of Health, and Deborah Arnott, CEO of ASH. Ellison had tweeted the picture with the words:

Delighted that Luther L Terry award for Exemplary Leadership in Tobacco Control awarded to dedicated @DHgovuk team

I suggested, somewhat frivolously, that Ellison had effectively credited Arnott with being part of the "dedicated" Department of Health team.

What I hadn't spotted was that the award nominations "were reviewed by an international selection committee of previous Luther L Terry Award winners" including … Deborah Arnott.

In other words, Arnott was one of the judges.

Anyway I've just seen an interesting exchange of emails acquired via Freedom of Information.

On July 29, 2014 someone from ASH (guess who?) wrote to Professor Kevin Fenton, director of health and wellbeing at Public Health England:

Dear Kevin,

I am very pleased to hear that xxxx has been appointed Tobacco Control Programme Lead at PHE. Since secondment to PHE the feedback I've been getting about PHE's enhanced tobacco work has been without exception extremely positive at local, regional and national level. Our loss is your gain – xxxx already made a significant difference and now you have a much-strengthened tobacco team in place I am sure PHE's work on tobacco will go from strength to strength.

As you know ASH is committed to supporting effective implementation of the Tobacco Control Plan of England and will continue to do all we can to support PHE in its work. Since xxxx joined PHE you and I have not met regularly in the way we used to and the Corporate Programme Board which I sat on had been disbanded too. Now that xxxx's move is confirmed I think it might be helpful if we could start meeting again every three months, and if that's acceptable to you perhaps we can get some dates in the diary.

Best wishes,

Within two hours Fenton replied:

Hi,

I completely agree that we should ensure that we continue meeting quarterly. My assistant will lock in the times for us.

Once again, thank you so much for your help with seconding xxxx to us at a very critical and challenging time earlier this year [my italics]. We are delighted that xxxx has now joined us formally, and we recognise that his appointment will facilitate continued strong links between our organisations.

With the very best wishes,

Kevin

Now it's no secret that Martin Dockrell, former director of research and policy at ASH, moved to Public Health England last year but I'd no idea he'd been "seconded" by ASH to PHE several months earlier.

I assumed the job had been advertised, that he'd applied and been appointed following the standard selection procedure. That's how public sector jobs are filled, isn't it?

Who paid his wages while he was on secondment? Was the job at PHE advertised or was it created specially for him? Was anyone else interviewed for the role?

To put this in perspective, a taxpayer-funded organisation dedicated to further tobacco control measures (plain packaging, for example) seconded one of its most senior employees to a government body "at a very critical and challenging time" (ie while that body was lobbying government on, er, plain packaging).

He is now employed by that government body whose director of health and wellbeing agreed without quibble, when requested, to meet the CEO of ASH every three months.

Who's calling the shots here? If ASH is not running PHE's tobacco control programme then it's hugely influential.

Oh, to be a fly on the wall at those quarterly meetings. Do you think they keep minutes?

As for the Department of Health, who needs elected politicians when you've got unelected tobacco control campaigners dictating policy? If you play your cards right they may even nominate and vote for you to receive an international award.

See also: Minister's "dedicated DH team" includes CEO of ASH